In case you are wondering if Trump will keep his promises…
In the first hour as president he did the following:
He rolled back an 11th-hour Obama administration rule that lowered home borrowers’ mortgage insurance costs.
The Federal Housing Authority uses that money to underwrite banks when low-income – and therefore high-risk – borrowers default on their loans.
Republicans argue that unless the FHA has significant cash reserves, all taxpayers including those with no stake in the housing market would be forced to pay for bailouts.
This happened in 2013, when the FHA required a $1.7 billion taxpayer cash infusion to keep going.
Back at the White House before a string of three inaugural balls, the new president inked formal commissions for a pair of retired Marine Corps general whom the U.S. Senate confirmed in their new cabinet roles.
Vice President Mike Pence swore them both in immediately.
Retired Gen. James Mattis is now the U.S. secretary of Defense. Retired Gen. John Kelly is secretary of Homeland Security.
Just as consequential were a pair of orders marking the Trump administration’s first firepower volley against Obamacare and signaling a massive, government-wide regulatory freeze.
The Obamacare executive order directs government departments and administrators to limit the cost of complying with the Affordable Care Act in every way possible while preparing for a Republican-dominated Congress to repeal and replace the law.
The regulatory memo, in the form of a memorandum from White House Chief of Staff Reince Priebus, orders federal agencies to cancel new regulations that haven’t yet been officially published and to delay for 60 days all those that are in place but haven’t yet taken effect.
It also orders bureaucrats to stop submitting most new regulations without first seeking White House approval.
Trump pledged during his campaign that he would pare back the American regulatory state in order to liberate the financial, energy and manufacturing sectors.
He also vowed to eliminate two federal regulations for every new one that takes effect.
You will not about read this in any Christian magazine. The radical left has declared a very unusual kind of war on us—a war that Christian leaders will not admit and are totally unprepared to fight.
The Trump victory has inflamed the left so much that they totally rejecting the election and disregarding the rule of law. Here is what you may already know:
Fake news: NBC poured 400 million dollars into Buzz Feed. Buzz Feed released fake news that portrayed Trump as a pervert in Russia. Only Trump was never there and the entire incident was made up to destroy his reputation.
CNN reacted to this in an underhanded way that allowed the narrative to spread while feigning journalistic innocence.
Fake California revolution: Behaving as if America had been taken over in a coup, California has declared itself a sanctuary state for the resistance. They have hired former Attorney General Eric Holder to fight all Trump legislation. California Congresswoman Maxine Waters is moving for impeachment. She began this impeachment crusade even before Trump took office.
However, all this pales before the news I am about to share with you. What you must understand—the thing you must get—is, they are not just going after Trump—they are going after you. I am talking about 80% of all Evangelicals and 63 million voters…especially young people who voted for Trump. Young conservative Christians are in the cross hairs on campus.
They are not just calling Trump a racist—they are calling you a racist. They are not saying Trump hates Gays, Mexicans, and Muslim immigrants—they are saying you do.
According to them, supporting Trump makes us totally despicable racists and haters who must have our rights revoked.
The 4-alarm leftist hissy fit is only the opening act. Expect strikes, violent demonstrations, and a towering litany of acts of “civil disobedience.”
Obama is not going away—He will lead the charge. His true mission to undermine America will kick in now that he is no longer restrained by the presidency. He will lead a confederation of movie stars, politicians, billionaires, Muslim leaders and minions in the United Nations.
Trump legislation will be throttled at every turn. The media will launch a withering nonstop assault on every word he says.
As I said, they are not going after Trump they are going after you and me. If this is true how then should we prepare? Here are my heartfelt convictions of what we must do now.
- Don’t let them bully you, learn from history. It is 1776 all over again. British rule then is very much like leftist rulers now. Loyalists joined British forces in oppressing the colonists and told them that their elected officials were not valid.
The leftist elites are not British monarchs or red coats but they are telling us what we can and cannot believe. They are seizing our rights. T.V. Networks and billion dollar companies are working to overrule a free and fair election.
The challenge of the church today is the same as it was in 1776. Revolutionary war Christians understood that they could not be on the sidelines as their rights were being destroyed. Their call was to stand with the freedom fighters.
- We must fight with the weapons of God! Thank God, we are not waging physical war but we are fighting a spiritual war. To fight, we must pray and speak the Word of God. We cannot afford to listen to those who say we should not speak out against Islam, immorality or far left totalitarianism.
Some ask “won’t this make us look unloving and turn lost souls off to the Gospel?” On the contrary, when we speak out with the power of the Holy Spirit it will shatter the strong delusion that is pervading our society.
Moreover, the early colonists knew they were building a nation that would be a lighthouse of the Gospel to the world. The iron curtain that these celebrities and media tyrants are ringing down on us will silence the Gospel and leave Israel at the mercy of all her enemies.
- Build on prophecy: If you believe that Trump is a miracle that is a type of King Cyrus then act like it! Seize this divine opportunity to stand with policies that best reflect our values. Don’t chicken out now that the heat is on.I can’t believe the Evangelical leaders who are openly turning on Trump, when they were totally silent while Obama dismantled our religious freedom.
With the very same breath that we call Satan a liar…we must call falsehood out! Preachers all over America must ring the bell of liberty in their pulpits by calling out the intellectual frauds who would remove our freedom.
They are not harmless actors and singers, they agents of tyranny that are not coming after Trump they are coming after you…but if God be for you who can be against you?
Liberals are understandably panicked about what Donald Trump can carry out. “We have a president-elect with authoritarian tendencies assuming a presidency that has never been more powerful,” Franklin Foer wrote this past week in Slate. Trump will command not only a massive nuclear arsenal and the most robust military in history, but also the ability to wage numerous wars in secret and without congressional authorization; a ubiquitous system of electronic surveillance that can reach most forms of human communication and activity; and countless methods for shielding himself from judicial accountability, congressional oversight and the rule of law — exactly what the Constitution was created to prevent. Trump assumes the presidency “at the peak of its imperial powers,” as Foer put it.
Sen. Barack Obama certainly saw it that way when he first ran for president in 2008. Limiting executive-power abuses and protecting civil liberties were central themes of his campaign. The former law professor repeatedly railed against the Bush-Cheney template of vesting the president with unchecked authorities in the name of fighting terrorism or achieving other policy objectives. “This administration also puts forward a false choice between the liberties we cherish and the security we provide,” he said in 2007. Listing an array of controversial Bush-Cheney policies, from warrantless domestic surveillance to due-process-free investigations and imprisonment, he vowed: “We will again set an example for the world that the law is not subject to the whims of stubborn rulers.”
Yet, beginning in his first month in office and continuing through today, Obama not only continued many of the most extreme executive-power policies he once condemned, but in many cases strengthened and extended them. His administration detained terrorism suspects without due process, proposed new frameworks to keep them locked up without trial, targeted thousands of individuals (including a U.S. citizen) for execution by drone, invoked secrecy doctrines to shield torture and eavesdropping programs from judicial review, and covertly expanded the nation’s mass electronic surveillance.
Blinded by the belief that Obama was too benevolent and benign to abuse his office, and drowning in partisan loyalties at the expense of political principles, Democrats consecrated this framework with their acquiescence and, often, their explicit approval. This is the unrestrained set of powers Trump will inherit. The president-elect frightens them, so they are now alarmed. But if they want to know whom to blame, they should look in the mirror.
Obama’s approach to executive power flipped so quickly and diametrically that it is impossible to say if he ever believed his campaign-era professions of restraint. As early as May 2009, Jack Goldsmith, a Justice Department official under George W. Bush, celebrated Obama’s abandonment of his promises to rein in these authorities, writing that “the new administration has copied most of the Bush program, has expanded some of it, and has narrowed only a bit.” He added that the “Obama practices will be much closer to late Bush practices than almost anyone expected in January 2009.”
Liberals vehemently denounced these abuses during the Bush presidency. From 2001 through 2008, Democrats called them the embodiment of tyranny, an existential threat to democracy, a menacing expression of right-wing radicalism. “America’s Constitution is in grave danger,” Al Gore warned in a widely praised 2006 speech on civil liberties. Bush had become “the central threat that the founders sought to nullify in the Constitution, an all-powerful executive, too reminiscent of the king from whom they had broken free.” In one 2007 poll, 57 percent of Democrats said they wanted the Guantanamo Bay prison camp to be closed.
But after Obama took office, many liberals often tolerated — and even praised — his aggressive assertions of executive authority. It is hard to overstate how complete the Democrats’ about-face on these questions was once their own leader controlled the levers of power. According to a 2012 Washington Post-ABC News poll, 53 percent of self-identified liberal Democrats and 67 percent of moderate or conservative ones now supported keeping Guantanamo Bay open. After just three years of the Obama presidency, liberals sanctioned a system that allowed the president to imprison people without any trial or an ounce of due process.
In fact, a new Democratic Party orthodoxy took hold under Obama: the right of a president to detain people, or even assassinate them, without charges or a whiff of judicial oversight. This included even American citizens. “We do not believe that [Anwar] al-Aulaqi’s U.S. citizenship imposes constitutional limitations that would preclude the contemplated lethal action” by the military or the CIA, a Justice Department memo proclaimed in 2010.
Democrats (who had bitterly complained in 2005 about mere eavesdropping without court approval) not only failed to contest this assassination program but ultimately expressed their support for it. “Fully 77 percent of liberal Democrats endorse the use of drones,” according to the write-up of that 2012 Post-ABC poll. Support drops “only somewhat when respondents are asked specifically about targeting American citizens living overseas, as was the case with Anwar al-Awlaki, the Yemeni American killed in September in a drone strike in northern Yemen.”
And of course, Obama aggressively expanded the system of mass surveillance, including on U.S. soil, that had been secretly implemented by the National Security Agency after 9/11. Once Edward Snowden showed the world what had been created, many Democrats became the leaders in protecting this spying system from meaningful limits, reform or oversight. When, in the immediate aftermath of the Snowden revelations, a bipartisan coalition of House members headed by Reps. John Conyers (D-Mich.) and Justin Amash (R-Mich.) sought to impose serious limits on the NSA’s domestic spying, the White House turned to then-Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) to lead the successful effort to stop them.
Civil liberties advocates and proponents of limited executive authority tried everything they could think of to persuade and cajole Democrats to rediscover their concerns about these abuses and once again become allies in the battle to constrain government power. But those efforts were largely futile. Partisan loyalties easily subordinated any commitment to the principles that they had purported, in the Bush years, to support.
The problem such advocates encountered was the same one they’d faced during the Bush presidency when trying (and failing) to persuade putatively small-government conservatives to oppose these expansions of presidential power: namely, many people are perfectly content to have such authority vested in leaders they trust, and fear them only when a politician from the opposing party wields them.
As such, the tactic of last resort to induce Democrats and liberals to oppose such policies was to ask them to think about how, one day, these powers could be in the hands of someone other than a benevolent, kind-hearted, trustworthy progressive like Barack Obama. Instead, Democrats were urged, imagine that a right-wing authoritarian, or a lawless demagogue, or a petty, vindictive tyrant won the presidency and inherited the framework of unrestrained, unchecked powers that Republicans implemented and Democrats expanded.
That day has arrived. With Trump looming, there is much talk of uniting across ideological and partisan lines to impose meaningful limits on executive authority, and those efforts are justified. But, as progressives were repeatedly warned, a matrix of power that has been defended and legitimized for 15 years by both parties will be very difficult to uproot.